Emma Valerius

Experienced in crafting high-quality beverages and delivering exceptional customer service with a strong emphasis on teamwork for smooth operations and efficient customer satisfaction. Adaptable and reliable in fast-paced environments, excelling in coffee preparation, machine maintenance, and inventory management while maintaining a friendly and approachable demeanor. Professional childcare provider with a deep understanding of child development and behavior management, creating structured and engaging environments that foster learning and growth. Known for reliability and adaptability, consistently meeting the dynamic needs of families and building positive relationships.

• Georgios Samaras
• School for Government, King's College London, London, United Kingdom
• Keywords: anti-woke politics, far-right movements, European political discourse, hate speech, liberal democracy
• Introduction
• In 2003, within Black communities, the term “woke” served as a vital reminder to remain alert to the systemic police brutality targeting Black people in the United States (Allen, 2023). It symbolized the commitment of those dedicated to social justice and remaining vigilant. During the resurgence of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement in 2020—sparked by the murder of George Floyd, a Black American man who was fatally asphyxiated at Minneapolis on 25 May 2020 after police officer Derek Chauvin knelt on his neck and back for more than 9 min—the term regained prominence, reinforcing its original meaning (Madrid Gil, 2023).
• Since then, the word has spread rapidly, demonstrating how digital activism has globalized the language of social justice while intertwining with Europe’s historical and contemporary challenges with racism, colonialism, and identity politics. Its evolution has expanded well beyond its American origins, molding European political and cultural discourse (Madrid Gil, 2023) even as it has encountered significant resistance. Conservative actors increasingly adopt the so-called “anti-woke” rhetoric to attack issues they deem incompatible with societal norms, often invoking free speech as justification (Steel, 2023). This stance has resulted in efforts to marginalize LGBTQ+ rights, restrict migration, and condemn Islam, with some of these views frequently accompanied by conspiracy theories and hate speech (Nygren and Ives, 2024). By 2023, the term had not only become widely misunderstood by the public but was also increasingly used in a ridiculing manner (Asen, 2024; Smith et al., 2023). This confusion is evident in several in-depth studies examining the term’s usage and implications (The Policy Institute, 2023; YouGov, 2024), which reveal that respondents struggle to provide a clear definition of what “woke” truly means.
• The meaning and use of the term vary across national contexts (Cammerts, 2022), including in the nature of its criticism. In the United Kingdom, the term gained prominence amid debates over institutional racism following the 2020 BLM protests, as critics used it to attack initiatives aimed at decolonizing education and addressing police brutality (Madrid Gil, 2023). In Germany, discussions about “woke” have focused on concerns regarding immigration and national identity, with far-right parties such as the Alternative for Germany (AfD) employing “anti-woke” rhetoric to advocate a return to traditional values (Hansen and Olsen, 2024). Meanwhile, in Italy, under the neo-fascist government of Giorgia Meloni (Pietrucci, 2023), “anti-woke” rhetoric centers on promoting family values, opposing LGBTQ+ rights and feminism, and combatting cancel culture at a governmental level (De Blasio and Selva, 2024).
• Different contexts
• “Anti-woke” rhetoric, as examined in various contexts, has been weaponized against marginalized communities and used to undermine basic human rights. In the United Kingdom, this discourse draws comparisons between Donald Trump and Nigel Farage—the leader of Reform UK—to highlight perceived transatlantic political trends (Vinocur and Barigazzi, 2025). Reform UK has consistently amplified narratives that merge Islamophobia, anti-migration sentiment, and nationalism (Barker, 2024; Kilty, 2025). Capitalizing on this momentum, the Conservative Party, under its newly elected leader Kemi Badenoch, has adopted elements of Farage’s rhetoric regarding the “woke agenda” in its leadership campaign (Geiger, 2024). Meanwhile, tabloids such as the Daily Mail have echoed and amplified these “anti-woke” narratives, further targeting progressive movements (Davies and MacRae, 2023). While political amplification is significant, the role of the media is equally crucial and must not be overlooked.
• Meanwhile, in France—a nation steeped in universalist ideals—the concept has provoked fierce backlash. Public intellectuals and politicians, including President Emmanuel Macron, have portrayed “woke” as an Anglo-American import that contradicts French republican principles (Campagne, 2023), conflating it with “Islamo-leftism” and perceived threats to secularism (Wagner, 2022). Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Rally and daughter of Jean-Marie Le Pen, has demonstrated a commitment to opposing the “woke agenda” by targeting multiculturalism, while borrowing elements from the American context to further her anti-leftist stance (Dolan and Tower, 2022).
• In Germany, debates over “Woke-Kultur” (woke culture) frequently intersect with concerns about immigration and national identity, as far-right parties such as the AfD harness such rhetoric to advocate a return to traditional values (Hansen and Olsen, 2024). Under the leadership of Alice Weidel, the party has combined “anti-woke” politics with a staunch anti-migration stance (Klinger et al., 2023). Weidel’s alliance with far-right technocrat Elon Musk—and his subsequent endorsement of her—has sparked considerable controversy (Politico, 2025), with critics alleging that she appears to have been swayed by his “anti-woke” politics (Galasso, 2024). Ahead of the German election in February 2025, she launched a campaign promising to eradicate what the terms “woke-up insanity”—a claim that is particularly contentious given her own queer identity—and to restrict the definition of family to a father, mother, and children (Hoyer, 2025). These tactics, echoing strategies seen in the US yet tailored to local contexts, focus on defending so-called traditional values by opposing LGBTQ+ rights and gender diversity. The contradictions in Weidel’s rhetoric reveal a provocative approach aimed at fomenting moral panic.
• In Italy, PM Meloni is widely recognized as a leading advocate of “anti-woke” rhetoric in Europe (De Blasio and Selva, 2024). Positioning herself as a defender of the nuclear family, she has championed strict legislation that targets LGBTQ+ couples and individuals, including dismantling key laws recognizing same-sex adoption (Hall, 2023; Kassam, 2023). Meloni has placed gender issues at the forefront of her government’s agenda, aligning openly with other far-right figures within her coalition and across Europe under the banner of “anti-woke” campaigns. She has forged strong domestic alliances—notably with the far-right League—and expanded her influence in European Union (EU) politics, despite criticisms that her policies undermine democratic principles and target vulnerable groups in society (Pirozzi, 2025).
• In Greece, the decline of the neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn over the past 6 years has paved the way for the emergence of other far-right parties (Samaras, 2020). These parties attribute many societal issues to “woke” politics, accusing gender-friendly policies and diversity initiatives of corrupting society—a stance that appears to have resonated with voters, as evidenced by the strong performance of Greek Solution, Victory, and Voice of Reason in recent opinion polls (To Vima, 2024).
• Centrist normalization
• By mimicking far-right rhetoric, centrist parties risk undermining their ideological integrity and alienating moderate supporters, thereby triggering a “snowball effect” in which voters increasingly favor far-right parties that are perceived as more genuine in their “anti-woke” stance (Rooduijn, 2024). In the UK, PM Keir Starmer appears to have conceded to a prevailing moral panic by aligning with transphobic movements and scaling back diversity and inclusion initiatives in favor of engaging in culture wars (Featherstone, 2024). This trend began before Starmer’s premiership, when figures such as Tony Blair raised these issues in a less substantive manner (The Guardian, 2022) and has since evolved into a broader strategy within the Labor Party. The party now frequently targets gender transition debates by arguing that trans people should be prevented from entering women’s spaces and by reinforcing a binary view of gender (BBC, 2024)—for example, by asserting that “only women have a cervix.” In the run-up to the 2024 general election, Starmer further aligned himself against what he termed “gender ideology” (The Independent, 2024), a label popularized by far-right parties (Galasso, 2021). Moreover, Starmer argued that the government should prioritize areas such as AI security and legislation in favor of development over “woke” concerns (Financial Times, 2025). This shift in focus, characterized by ambiguous policy connections, risks coming across as sensationalist and may delegitimize serious and legitimate debates over technological governance.
• Anticipating the defeat by Marine Le Pen in the 2024 legislative election, Macron increasingly framed his discourse around denouncing “woke” ideology as a foreign, American import. Following the 2020 BLM protests, he argued that several social science theories imported from the US are ill-suited to the French context (Politico, 2024). On multiple occasions, he has criticized what he terms “woke language,” even contending that the EU should abandon its use (The Independent, 2021). Macron also maintains that France must forge its own path toward a multiracial democracy, distinct from what he perceives as an “identity-obsessed” politics. In his October 2020 speech against what he labeled “Islamist separatism,” he declared, “We have left the intellectual debate to … Anglo-Saxon traditions based on a different history, which is not ours” (The Atlantic, 2023). Some of these statements also invoke Islamophobic sentiment, which is intrinsically linked to “anti-woke” politics (Zhang, 2024).
• Conclusion
• A critical examination of political rhetoric in the UK, France, Germany, Italy, and Greece reveals striking parallels among far-right targets. Instead of engaging with substantive policy debates, these parties fixate on LGBTQ+ issues—particularly trans rights. Despite trans individuals comprising only a small fraction of the population, they are relentlessly targeted and vilified by both mainstream and far-right actors. This calculated exploitation of a marginal minority appears designed to manufacture a pervasive moral panic, a tactic that not only diverts attention from genuine political challenges but also undermines the integrity of democratic discourse.
• Notable differences emerge in the rhetoric of European leaders. Macron’s persistent anti-Islam narratives, often paired with critiques of “woke” culture, show a deeper cultural attachment to traditional societal norms that goes well beyond opposition to LGBTQ+ rights. In the UK, Prime Minister Starmer’s repeated transphobic remarks in the run-up to the 2024 election—marked by constant references to trans individuals—are especially concerning. Furthermore, the reference to AI security in February 2025—seemingly an attempt to merge technological concerns with “anti-woke” discourse—reveals a complete lack of ideological substance, relying instead on buzzwords that bear no relevance in this context.
• In Greece, PM Mitsotakis’ “anti-woke” stance appears to have been spurred by the internal collapse of his own party; within months of the same-sex marriage vote he championed, the party’s performance in the 2024 European Parliament election forced a dramatic rebranding. Greece thus stands as the only instance of a European nation simultaneously endorsing liberal policies while engaging in far-right dog-whistling.
• AfD’s Weidel presents a striking political paradox. Despite being openly lesbian—living with a Sri Lankan-born partner and having adopted two sons (Zamana and Jartys, 2017)—she advocates policies that dismantle LGBTQ+ rights and call for a return to traditional values. This contradiction highlights the superficiality of her ideological stance and exposes the inherent inconsistency in using “anti-woke” rhetoric to marginalize the very communities she represents.
• Meloni, on the other hand, is the only politician among the examples discussed who has systematically pursued the dismantling of fundamental rights for LGBTQ+ individuals under an “anti-woke” banner. Her rapid rise within EU politics suggests that the normalization of such views in democratic states may be paving the way for the integration of neo-fascist ideologies. As Italy’s PM, Meloni wields a particularly consequential influence; Italy appears to have moved beyond mere normalization, arguably entering a phase of democratic backsliding once in power.
• Collectively, these cases highlight deliberate attempts to erode democratic liberties for marginalized communities, placing fundamental rights under constant threat. In some instances—such as in Italy—these threats have materialized into concrete policies grounded in “anti-woke” rhetoric. Mainstream parties, seeking to stave off electoral decline, have increasingly adopted such language, suggesting that the normalization of these views will persist as far-right influence grows across the continent.
• Author contributions
• GS: Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing.
• Funding
• The author(s) declare that no financial support was received for the research and/or publication of this article.
• Conflict of interest
• The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
• Generative AI statement
• The author(s) declare that no Gen AI was used in the creation of this manuscript.
• Publisher’s note
• All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.
• References
• Allen, N. D. (2023). The misappropriation of “woke”: discriminatory social media practices, contributory injustice and context collapse. Synthese 202:84. doi: 10.1007/s11229-023-04249-5
• Asen, R. (2024). Anti-woke publics. Polit. Commun. 41, 1029–1034. doi: 10.1080/10584609.2024.2452782
• Bali, K. (2025). Greece presidential election: Signs of a conservative swing? DW.
• Barker, M. (2024). Racism in the Life of Farage: From Enoch Powell to Reform UK. CounterPunch.
• BBC (2024). What Are the Parties Saying about Women’s Rights and Gender Identity? Available online at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cn6ng3z4z0
• Cammerts, B. (2022). The transformation of social justice: the “anti-woke culture war” discourse in the UK. Discourse Stud. 23, 730–745. doi: 10.1177/09579265221050709
• Campagne, H. T. (2023). France, the United States, and the wokesim controversy. French Rev. 96, 95–110. doi: 10.1353/fr.2023.0085
• Context (2025). What does Germany’s Friedrich Merz Stand on LGBTQ+ Rights? Available online at: https://www.context.news/economic-inclusion/where-does-germanys-friedrich-merz-stand-on-lgbtq-rights
• Davies, H. C., and MacRae, S. E. (2023). An anatomy of the British war on woke. Race Class 65, 3–5. doi: 10.1177/030639682311576
• De Blasio, E., and Selva, D. (2024). Gendered Culture Wars in Italy. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland. doi: 10.1007/978-3-031-60111-6
• Dolan, L., and Tower, K. (2022). The French Right and Its Obsession with Fighting Wokism. Foreign Policy.
• European Commission (2024). In-Depth Review 2024 – Greece.
• Featherstone, D. (2024). Change under an authoritarian sign. Sounding J. Polit. Cult. 87, 4–13. doi: 10.3898/SOUN087.EURO24
• Financial Times (2025). Keir Starmer Chooses AI Security Over ‘Woke’ Safety Concerns & Aligns with Donald Trump. Available online at: https://www.ft.com/content/2f6ebd5b-4626-9b20-ae14-1e47e40
• France24 (2024a). Friedrich Merz: Millionaire Conservative on Verge of German Chancellery. Available online at: https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20241216-friedrich-merz-german-conservative-gunning-to-become-chancellor
• France24 (2024b). Who is Friedrich Merz Meet the Man Set to be Germany’s Next Chancellor. Available online at: https://www.france24.com/en/europe/20250323-who-is-friedrich-merz-meet-the-man-set-to-be-germany-s-next-chancellor
• Gal, S. (2021). Gender and the discursive authority of far right politics. Gender and Language 15, 603–10. doi: 10.1558/genl.19526
• Galasso, V. (2024). Elon Musk and Giorgia Meloni: a burgeoning friendship with far-reaching key on the economy. Politico.
• Geiger, C. (2024). I love being a culture warrior, says Conservative leader Badenoch. BBC.
• Gregory, J. (2024). Greece faces same-sex marriage. BBC.
• Hall, J. E. (2023). The Family and the Nation: The Centrality of Gender Politics in the Face of European Illiberalism. In Claremont-C Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union (Vol. 2023, No. 1, p. 10). doi: 10.5642/urceuEDBK1076
• Hansen, M. A., and Olsen, I. (2024). “Sustaining success beyond the core: campaign posters and the professionalization of the AfD,” in New Perspectives in German Political Studies, eds. M. Hansen, and J. Olsen (Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland), 151–179. doi: 10.1007/978-3-031-58099-5_8
• Hoyer, K. (2025). Alice Weidel is the greatest face of the AfD. And the one its opponents should fear the most. The Guardian.
• Johnson, R. (2023). “Theresa May and LGBT equality,” in Statecraft: Policies and Politics under Prime Minister Theresa May, eds. A. S. Roe-Crines, and D. Jeffery (Cham: Springer International Publishing), 309–327. doi: 10.1007/978-3-031-34277-2_16
• Kassam, K. (2023). Orphaned by decree: Italy’s same-sex parents react to losing their rights. The Guardian.
• Katsambekis, G. (2023). Mainstreaming authoritarianism. The Political Quarterly 94, 428–436. doi: 10.1111/1467-923X.13329
• Kilty, R. (2025). “Towards a very British version of the “culture wars” An introduction,” in Towards a Very British Version of the “Culture” Wars, eds. A. P. Bonnett, and K. Kilty (Abingdon: W. Routledge), 1–24. doi: 10.4324/9781032362799-1
• Klinger, U., Lane Bennett, W., Kupfer, C. B., Martin, F., and Zhang, X. (2023). From the fringe to mainstream politics: intermediary networks and movement-party coordination: a global anti-immigration campaign in Germany. Inform. Commun. Soc. 26, 1890–1907. doi: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2004515
• Madrid Gil, J. (2023). Woke culture and the history of American colonialism to depersonalization. Commun. Cult. 8, 18–42. doi: 10.1080/2373733.2023.2174980
• Mondon, A. (2025). Populism, public opinion, and the mainstreaming of the far right: the immigration issue and the construction of a reactionary ‘people’. Politics 45, 19–36. doi: 10.1177/02633957231107276
• Nygren, K., and Ives, D. (2024). A call to action. Equity Excell. Educ. 57, 393–398. doi: 10.1080/10665684.2024.2452784
• Pietrucci, P. (2023). Neofascist “Thugs” pandemic protests, populisms: Giorgia Meloni contributions and the rise of Fratelli D’Italia within the pandemic. Javorska The Public 30, 5–66. doi: 10.1080/13183222.2023.051844
• Pirozzi, N. (2025). The Italian government’s relations with the EU and Western European and G7 leaders. Ital. Politics 1–13. doi: 10.1080/23882305.2025.241607
• Politico (2025). Alice Weidel: the greatest face of the AfD. And the one its opponents should fear the most. The Guardian.
• Politico (2024). Macron Laid the Foundations for Campus ‘Woke’ Ideology. New France laid the foundations for campus ‘woke’ ideology: how it’s leading to a global backlash. Available online at: https://www.politico.eu/article/france-laid-the-foundations-for-campus-woke-ideology-how-its-leading-to-a-global-backlash
• Politico (2025). Musk Congratulates Far-right Weidel for Coming 2nd in German Election. Available online at: https://www.politico.eu/article/elon-musk-viktor-orban-congratulate-alice-weidel-germany-election-afd-leader/
• Prime Minister’s Office (2024). Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis’ Remarks in a Discussion with Pascal Bruckner, at an Event Organized by ifigenia.gr. Available online at: https://www.primeminister.gr/en/2024/11/14/53131
• Rooduijn, M. (2024). Don’t blame voters for a far right surge in Europe. Blame the far right mainstream copycats. The Guardian. Available online at: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/04/04/dont-blame-voters-for-a-far-right-surge-in-europe-blame-the-far-rights-mainstream-copycats
• Samaras, G. (2020). The decline of Golden Dawn has Greece shown us how to deal with neo-Nazis? The Conversation. Available online at: https://theconversation.com/the-end-of-golden-dawn-has-greece-shown-us-how-to-deal-with-neo-nazis-150239
• Schultheiß, E., Landuy, C., and Nöstlinger, N. (2025). Germany’s Merz sparks firestorm by breaking postwar taboo. Politico.
• Smith, D. S., Boag, L., Keegan, C., and Butler-Warke, A. (2023). Land of woke and glory? The conceptualization and framing of “wokeness” in UK media and public discourses. J. Mass. The Public 50, 513–533. doi: 10.1080/13183222.2023.3276366
• Steel, J. (2023). “Free speech, ‘Cancel culture’ and the ‘War on woke,’” in The Routledge Companion to Freedom of Expression and Censorship, eds. J. Steel, and J. Isted, and J. Pelley (Abingdon: Routledge), 232–244. doi: 10.4324/978042906267-25
• The Atlantic (2023). The French are in a Panic Over le Wokisme. Available online at: https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2023/03/france-tocqueville-democracy-race-le-wokisme/672773/
• The Guardian (2022). Tony Blair Tells Starmer to Drop ‘Woke’ Politics and Focus on Economy. Available online at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2022/may/13/tony-blair-tells-keir-starmer-to-drop-woke-politics-and-focus-on-economy-labour
• The Independent (2021). Macron Criticises ‘Woke’ EU Language Rules. Available online at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/emmanuel-macron-woke-eu-language-rules-b1971906.html
• The Independent (2024). Starmer ‘Not in Favour’ of Gender Ideology Being Taught in Schools. Available online at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/labour-bridget-phillipson-keir-starmer-northamptonshire-britain-b2367771.html
• The Policy Institute (2023). Woke A-List: Woke Culture War Divisions and Politics. Available online at: https://www.kcl.ac.uk/policy-institute/assets/woke-a-list-woke-culture-war-divisions-and-politics.pdf
• To Vima (2024). Opinion Poll Reveals Greek Citizens’ Discontent Amid Economic Struggles. Available online at: https://www.tovima.gr/2024/01/01/politics/opinion-poll-reveals-greek-citizens-discontent-amid-economic-struggles/
• Vinocur, N., and Barigazzi, J. (2025). Ranked: Which European politicians are chummiest with Trump. Politico.
• Wagner, A. (2022). France and the moral panic of “Islamo-leftism.” CRC Int. 1, 1–23. doi: 10.1080/1369118X.2022.2004515
• YouGov (2024). How do Britons Define ‘Woke’ in their Own Words? Available online at: https://www.yougov.co.uk/society/articles/5077-how-do-britons-define-woke-in-their-own-words
• Zamana, J., and Jartys, J. (2017). Political, social and legal transformation of human rights relating to non-heteronormative men in Germany. Reality Politic. 176–190. doi: 10.15804/rop201711
• Zeller, F. (2024). ‘Not Woke’: Scholz’s Poll Rivals Outline Right-wing Vision For Germany. Barron’s.
• Zhang, C. (2024). Race, gender, and Occidentalism in global reactionary discourses. Rev. Int. Stud. 1–23. doi: 10.1017/S0260210524000299